Hello world!

papa2I shall be writing topics as it comes to mind. It could be topics, past or present, but relative to the times. I shall also be reacting to articles published, whether domestic or foreign, and voicing my opinion. My views shall always be objective.

Every now and then I shall also be sharing with you videos, photos, sayings and graphics of people, animals, places, etc., that I find interesting, which I hope you will appreciate.

Also, there are times when I will be posting articles about facts – why it happened that way or what could have been if something else happened.

I welcome you to my blog site and I look forward to inter-acting with you.

Your participation, your thoughts and commentaries, either for or against, will be very much appreciated.

We may have differences in opinion but that is the essence of being rational, to be able to agree to disagree. It is my aim that as we go along we enlighten not only ourselves but also those that finds the opportunity/chance to visit this site.

Let us enrich each other in knowledge and build each other up in friendship.

Thank you.

Jesus Sievert a.k.a  Quierosaber


¡Hola mundo!

Escribiré temas como estos vienen a la mente. Esto podría ser temas, pasadas o presentes, pero con relación a los tiempos. También reaccionaré a artículos publicados, doméstico o extranjero, y expresaré mi opinión. Mis vistas siempre serán objetivo.

De vez en cuando también compartiré con ustedes vídeos, fotos, refranes y gráficos de la gente, animales, lugares, etc., que encuentro interesante y espero que lo aprecian.

También, hay tiempos cuando fijaré artículos sobre hechos – por qué pasó así o lo que podría haber sido si algo más pasara.

Bienvenidos a mi sitio de blog y espero colaborar con Vd. en el futuro.

Su participación, sus pensamientos y comentarios, para o contra, serán muy apreciados.

Podemos tener diferencias en la opinión pero eso es la esencia de ser racional, ser capaz de consentir en discrepar. Esto es mi objetivo que como continuamos, aclaramos no sólo nosotros mismos sino también aquellos  que encuentran  la oportunidad/posibilidad de visitar este sitio.

Déjenos enriquecer el uno al otro en el conocimiento y en la amistad.


Jesus Sievert alias Quierosaber

A depressing consequence of the Mamasapano encounter


PNoy with friend and protege, ex-PNP chief Alan Purisima.

PNoy with friend and protege, ex-PNP chief Alan Purisima.

At the MSN website on national issues there is a poll survey asking the question: Who should be prosecuted for the deaths of SAF 44? As I write, those who participated had President Benigno Aquino (PNoy) at 39%, the MILF at 34%, Alan Purisima at 19%, Getulio Napeñas at 6%, Mar Roxas and Leonardo Espina at 1% each.

While it is revolting enough that 44 brave police commandos has to die the way the courageously died allegedly in the hands of MILF and BIFF rebels while pursuing known international terrorist with price tags on the heads, what is even more depressing is the fact that no less than the president of the country himself, PNoy, has been eyed as the most culpable person in the deaths of the Fallen 44.

No amount of explanation from PNoy’s spokesman, Secretary Edwin Lacierda, will ever change the fact that had PNoy not disregarded or disrespected the chain-of-command in the PNP hierarchy, events would not have turned as ghastly as it came out to be.

This is not about PNoy’s involvement in “policy level” only and not in the “operational level”. In fact both levels had nothing to do with how PNoy pictured the covert operation, called Oplan Exodus, to be.

It was all judged from a “personal level” and PNoy’s personal opinion that listening and swallowing hook, line and sinker, the advice and updates of his loyal friend and protégé, suspended PNP chief Alan Purisima, was perhaps more convincing and reassuring than to have Interior Secretary Mar Roxas and OIC Deputy Director Leonardo Espina being listened to for their inputs. Note that it was Purisima’s idea to keep Roxas and Espina in the dark, not until the police commandos were already at the site, and for PNoy’s naiveté, he agreed to this as if bewitched by Purisima.

The Senate hearings showed that what resulted to the carnage was the lack of timely arrival of support or artillery from the military. This was expected since Purisima took the responsibility of informing AFP chief Lt. Gen. Gregorion Catapang about the operation, as what Purisima told former SAF commander Getulio Napeñas he would do. Purisima probably told Catapang, but probably it was late at best, and inadequately explained at worst.

What Napeñas did wrong was that, this time, he distrusted the AFP for leaks that aborted previous covert missions conducted by the police. Unknowingly, however, trusting Purisima more would cost him the precious lives of 44 members of his police commandos and, now, the uncertainty of his future.

President Aquino admitted that he knew and was being updated about the Mamasapano mission by his friend and protégé Alan Purisima, but to this day can’t seem to admit that he made an error in judgment breaching the PNP chain-of-command, where Espina and Roxas have significant roles, in favor of Purisima, who, at the time of the massacre was serving a suspension order for corrupt practices.

Even without the poll survey, the people already know where PNoy stands on the Mamasapanao massacre that resulted to the Fallen 44.

Friends and foes alike are asking PNoy to acknowledge his mistake and this is also what most people are asking for. Yet, he remains adamant.

I don’t think the result of the poll survey will change any time soon. It is simply depressing for PNoy not to be forthright on dealing with the Filipinos on this issue.

Wounded Revilla son sending strong message to detained father


Cavite Vice Governor Jolo Revilla

Cavite Vice Governor Jolo Revilla

Whether we are political supporters of detained Senator/actor Ramon “Bong” Revilla, we can all breathe a sigh of relief that his son, Cavite Vice Governor/actor Jolo Revilla, is alive.

This, after news broke out that the young Revilla was in critical condition from a gunshot wound.

Now, whether this self-inflicted wound was intentional or accidental, as claimed by the family’s lawyer, when Jolo was said to be cleaning his .40 caliber Glock pistol and the gun suddenly went off hitting his upper right chest, only the latter can tell.

The fact remains, however, as mentioned by talent manager Lolit Solis in an interview, that Jolo, who not only was close to his father, Bong, but also idolizes him, was the most affected by his detention without bail for plunder.

Normally an ebullient person, Jolo became depressed upon his father’s arrest last year, Solis said. The family’s assets have also been frozen by the courts.

“He often wept during visits to his father,” Solis said. “Bong could accept his fate, but he didn’t realize that someone else in the family was suffering a lot.”

The depression apparently deepened, Solis said, following recent news that the senator might be transferred from a special detention facility at Camp Crame to a regular jail at Camp Bagong Diwa.

One could just imagine what was going through the mind of Jolo all these times. But, if family and close friends knew how sensitive and disturbed he had become, a red flag could have been raised so he could have received psychological or emotional intervention of some kind by experts.

Leaving Jolo alone in this state of mind is utterly deplorable and inexcusable unless hurting himself is his way of getting sympathy for his father. It was not only Bong’s detention that hurt Jolo, but the shame in the family also had been a big factor.

At the end what happened to Jolo, probably, was his way of sending a strong message to his father that being a public servant, as they both are, is about caring and serving for the less fortunate of the Filipinos instead of taking away from them their livelihood programs. It is about putting the interest of the people first, before their own.

On their own, the local movie/TV business has made the Revillas millionaires many times over and famous like no other.

So why allow corruption in politics to destroy the Revilla name?

Rare disease that turns one into ‘human mannequin’

jarvis_mannequin_disease660This is one story worth sharing, if only for the knowledge and awareness of it.

Life to some is already not fair, but more so if one is afflicted with a rare disease like 3-year-old Jarvis Budd of Australia.

Jarvis has been diagnosed to be suffering from fibrodysplasia ossificans progressiva, or what is known as “human mannequin disease.”

It is a disorder that causes muscle tissue and connective tissue to gradually be replaced by bone, forming bone outside the skeleton and restricting movement.

How does this happen?

According to experts it could happen even in minor fall or injury when people having this rare disease run the risk of their joints seizing uncontrollably and triggering abnormal bone growth, which forms outside the skeleton that eventually becomes a second skeleton.

What is incredible, if not surprising, about this disease is that the heart, the eyes and the brain do not get affected. Those suffering may be imprisoned in their own body but they are mentally alert.

Jarvis is one of 13 people in Australia diagnosed with the condition. According to the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the rare disorder is believed to occur in only about one in two million people worldwide.

Honasan belie Almonte claims in his memoir

almonteAs soon as the national papers reported the launching of former National Security Adviser Jose T. Almonte’s life story, “Endless Journey: a Memoir”, where former Lieutenant Colonel, now Senator Gregorio “Gringo” Honasan was put on the spot when an excerpt was specifically mentioned about the latter being involved in the plot to kill the despot Ferdinand Marcos and his family, I immediately knew that Gringo won’t take this sitting down and that, more sooner than later, he will issue not only a denial but a tongue-lashing as well.

Well, what else can Gringo actually do when put on the spot, and a touchy one at that, knowing that one of the Marcos family member is now his colleague in the Senate?

What this boils down to really is for the public to decide whom to believe between Almonte’s assertion of it as truth and Honasan’s rejection of it as a lie.

“My own take is you don’t have to lie or distort history to sell a book,” Honasan, reportedly, said.

Well, we all know who did what, and just because Honasan is a senator of the realm now does not mean that he is more credible.

I am reprinting below a long excerpt from the book where Almonte describes Honasan’s participation in the sinister plot, and so I will not elaborate on it further.

It will just probably suffice to mention briefly, but significantly, the contrasting comparison between Almonte and Honasan as described by Wikipedia.

Jose T. Almonte was the former National Security and Director-General of the National Security Council in the Cabinet of Philippine President Fidel V. Ramos. He was also the head of the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency, the Director Economic Intelligence and Investigation Bureau (EIIB) during the administration of Pres. Corazon Aquino.

Senator Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan

Senator Gregorio “Gringo” Honasan

Gregorio Ballesteros Honasan II, better known as Gringo Honasan, is a Filipino political figure. He played a key role in the 1986 EDSA Revolution that toppled the alleged dictatorship of President Ferdinand Marcos. He led a series of coup attempts against the administration of Corazon Aquino. President Fidel Ramos granted him amnesty in 1992. He entered politics and became a senator from 1995 to 2004 and again since 2007.

Suffice to say also that if Honasan is now an honorable senator, we only have ourselves to blame for our indiscretion and penchant of electing the rich, the famous, the comedians, the movie idols and the notorious to be our national leaders.

This is an excerpt from the book “Endless Journey: A Memoir” by former National Security Adviser Jose T. Almonte as told to Marites Dañguilan Vitug. (Publish with permission at GMA News Online, dated February 24, 2015)

Poignant stories of young officers – lieutenant colonels, captains, and lieutenants – about their life in Mindanao affected me. Their idealism was washed out by the harsh conditions that arose out of neglect or abuse by their leaders.

Weapons and ammunition were always in short supply. They and their men were shortchanged even on food and clothing allowances. Soldiers had no more combat boots. At the height of the fighting, on the other side of the enemy line, they saw that the Moro National Liberation Front rebels were often better armed than the soldiers of the Republic.

Evacuation facilities were so limited such that wounded soldiers who could otherwise be saved, would die. Standing by helplessly while a comrade bled to death is always a bitter experience for any soldier, because fighting side by side and suffering together bind them closer than brothers.

Meanwhile, many of the generals and flag officers had been corrupted by the regime and, in the eyes of their juniors, no longer deserved their loyalty and obedience.

I heard these when we engaged in conversations over coffee. I listened to them and asked a lot of questions. All this was very real to me because it was the same experience I had when I was a second lieutenant, when my platoon mutinied. More than two decades had passed and the same problems continued to bedevil the Armed Forces.

The officers and I used to meet in two places: the basement of the defense department building, where Lt. Col. Gregorio “Gringo” Honasan worked as chief of security of Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile, and the office of Lt. Col. Victor “Vic” Batac in Camp Crame. Vic was a key officer in the intelligence staff of the Philippine Constabulary. The room in Camp Crame became my office, practically, for five years.

That was how the Reform the Armed Forces Movement began, from the depths of the soldiers’ despair. “An entire generation above us,” the RAM mutineers would later proclaim memorably, has failed “to respond to a moral crisis.” The Armed Forces was perceived by the people as the tuta (lapdog) of Marcos.

Marcos reshaped the Armed Forces to fit his own ends. National security, intelligence, and presidential security functions were placed essentially under one man who was also later appointed chief of staff of the AFP. This monolithic structure, oiled by personal loyalties, martial law sanctions and material rewards, led to unprecedented corruption and unchecked abuses. Promotions became a matter of outsmarting fellow officers and proving personal loyalty to Marcos. The distinction between national security and the personal interest of Marcos blurred. The military became Marcos’ political partner in maintaining power and accumulating ill-gotten wealth. The established order no longer served the purpose of serving the common good. It was a cruel form of politics, dictatorial and oppressive. Marcos and his cronies commanded the economic lifeline of the nation. It became crystal clear that Marcos was not strong enough to resist the temptations of power.

WHEN BENIGNO “NINOY” AQUINO JR. was assassinated in 1983, my decision to join the RAM became more urgent. The yellow demonstrations grew intense. I was spending a lot of my time with three people: Gringo, Lt. Col. Eduardo “Red” Kapunan, and Vic, all members of the PMA Class of 1971. We limited our contact with the rest of the men because we were careful about security, of being found out. When we got in touch with many of the young officers, it was not about the RAM but about their complaints, their heartaches about the profession they so loved.

I had graduated from the PMA 15 years before they did, so I was the eldest in the group. Knowing my history, some of them were initially suspicious. Not only was I an intelligence officer – a posting that had often attracted those who thrive on secrecy, intrigue and even betrayals. I was Marcos’s special man in Vietnam, where I did highly specialized covert operations. I had also spent many years in Malacañang, in the dictator’s executive office, working with Alex Melchor, whom many in the political and military elite regarded, unfairly, as a Trojan horse for the Americans. Furthermore, I worked in the think tank of Marcos in UP, churning out intellectual rationales for his policies.

I think the suspicion arose primarily from the notion of intelligence and how it is used. The CIA swashbuckling, double-crossing kind is the more popular one. For sure, it is a powerful tool in knowing an enemy and oneself, assuring one of victory. After all, military art teaches that half the battle is won if we know ourselves and the enemy, their capabilities and intentions.

This is the conventional view of intelligence. But this was not how I applied intelligence operations in Vietnam, where we used it to build and not to destroy. The same principle eventually worked in People Power ’86, where we used it to ensure that there would be no casualties.

But we all worked for Marcos, in a way. These young men in the RAM were new graduates when martial law was declared in 1972. They were the ones used to implement it, in the police force and military. The point was, we were in a new situation.

Beyond the sense of injustice we felt, we needed to find an anchor, an ideology. We wanted to make politics serve the nation rather than selfish vested interests. The RAM looked at the basic problems of Philippine society and the mother of it all was the linkage between our business elite and our political elite. The oligarchy, both the political and the economic oligarchy, had set us back and kept us in this highly inequitable society.

What was needed was to transfer, over time, to the people the power which the oligarchs controlled. In practical terms, to make the revolution succeed, our primary concern was to get the people’s support.

We also made a choice as to which had primacy: the state or the individual? The ideology of the RAM was based on the protection of the dignity of the human person over the state. That was where we were coming from. If we had to die at all, then it should be to protect the dignity of the human being.

THE CRUCIAL MOMENT IN THE RAM was when the three members of the core group – Vic, Gringo, and Red – had decided on a plan which they had been hatching for quite some time. Vic was the strategist, the planner-intellectual. Red was the organization man, with wide-ranging contacts among the field commands. Gringo, baron of his class, was the charismatic fighting man and leader of the RAM.

When Gen. Fabian Ver took a leave of absence in 1984 pending the outcome of the trial on his alleged involvement in the Aquino assassination, two senior officers were vying to take his place: Maj. Gen. Josephus Ramas, who was head of the Army, and Brig. Gen. Roland Pattugalan, commander of the 2nd Infantry Division. Pattugalan was the candidate of Marcos. He spent most of his career with the presidential security force.

The idea of Gringo was to ambush Pattugalan in such a manner that the trail would lead to Ramas, that he masterminded the operation. Ramas was perceived as closer to Ver than the rest of the generals.

In this scenario, they expected chaos in the military. Gringo and company would then take advantage of the situation. But how? A coup was on their minds, but it was still hazy, because they didn’t know how things would unfold.

That was where I came in. “Look, this thing will not work,” I said. “It is very uncertain. You do not play a game with a cobra. You hit the cobra anywhere outside the head, you will be bitten by it. We are fighting here a revolutionary war, so we have to aim at the head of the cobra. We have to aim at Malacañang rather than fiddle with this chaotic situation.”

They debated the whole idea and they came to the conclusion that my suggestion was correct. At that point, the plan transformed into a coup. From then on, we planned to attack Malacañang. They were very professional so it was not difficult to organize. Besides, many officers disgusted with the regime joined us.

We had to go to the details of what to attack and who the persons in charge would be. The plan of Gringo was to kill Marcos and his family. He would lead the attacking force. Red would lead the attack outside the Palace, in the park, against the Presidential Security Group.

I insisted that we had no right to take the life of anybody. It is only the Filipino people who can decide to take their lives, not us. “Our revolution should preserve life. It is paramount,” I explained. “We are fighting for political ideals and no political, social or economic ideals will justify the taking of life.”

I also argued that we were not launching the revolution on behalf of Cory Aquino or the politicians; it was on behalf of the Filipino people. And that was the reason why I wanted the Filipino people to decide on the fate of Marcos and his family. I said the Marcoses should be kept alive so they could face a people’s court. We debated this very intensely. A few entertained the wild idea that I was defending Marcos because I was an agent of Gen. Ver.

As to Ver and the others, I left it up to them because their case was different. They belonged to the military and we were both combatants. They were defending Marcos and we were attacking the government. It was not for me to say, “Preserve their lives.” This depended on whether we succeeded or failed.

In the end, Gringo, said that to attack and kill Marcos would require a smaller force than having to capture him and his family. “We do not have that big a force,” Gringo pointed out.

After an extended discussion, they finally agreed that we were going to capture the family. Gringo had to recruit more people. Not only would that risk the discovery of our plot. It would also raise the volume of casualties on both sides. I feared the fickle nature of history whose judgment of historical figures is never final. In the end, we decided to build up a larger force.

We vied for the honor of leading the attack on the Palace and on its presidential guards. It was decided that the task would go to Gringo. I gave him a keepsake, a Russian AK-47 assault rifle I used during my sojourn among the Viet Cong and which, in happier times, I had intended to present to President Marcos.

Red would lead the attack on the presidential guards on the south bank of the Pasig. Meanwhile, Vic and I would man the RAM command post at Villamor Air Base, where a battalion from the Trece Martires in Cavite would join us. Maj. Avelino “Sonny” Razon, Ramos’s aide, would pick up Gen. Ramos and escort him to the Air Base where he would take overall command of the rebel forces. We chose the Villamor Air Base because of its sophisticated communications equipment.

Meanwhile, we also made up a list of personalities who would compose our transition government. The seven-person junta – called the Movement of National Unity – was to be made up of Cory Aquino, Jaime Cardinal Sin, Jaime “Jimmy” Ongpin, Rafael Salas, Alejandro Melchor, Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos. This team was supposed to prepare the nation for a new constitution and an election. But this did not happen. The winner of the snap elections, President Cory Aquino, took over the new government.

WHEN THE SHOWDOWN CAME, we had a total of 770 men.

We were supposed to launch a coup at midnight of Saturday, Feb. 22. Gringo and his team would cross the Pasig on a boat and, in the heavy darkness, attack Malacañang. Red was in charge of neutralizing the presidential guards. Jake Malajacan, who was the battalion commander of a unit that will reinforce us in the Malacañang operation, was with Red.

Vic and I were supposed to operate the command center in Villamor Air Base, headquarters of the Air Force. We had a battalion from Trece Martires in Cavite that was going to occupy the Air Base. We rehearsed this, in a way. A couple of days before D-day, a few officers from Trece Martires cased the joint and brought pansit (a rice-noodle dish) for the guards and talked to them. They did not encounter any problem. They were confident and they resolved to bring pansit again for the real action, this time with the entire battalion in tow.

For my part, the jump-off area was my quarters at Fort Bonifacio. A small group of officers was slated to meet there on that Saturday afternoon. There we would wait for developments before the crucial midnight hour. Once the action began, we were supposed to go to our respective assignments. Initially, we were to coordinate the movements of all forces, and simultaneously, Sonny was to pick up Ramos from Ayala Alabang and bring him to the command center. Once he was there, he would take over the operation. Everybody was going to be under his command. He didn’t know this. He would just be told as soon as he arrived.

On Friday, Feb. 21, there was a major wedding reception in the Manila Hotel. The commanding general of the Air Force, Maj. Gen. Vicente Piccio Jr., was there; he stood as godfather. Other Air Force staff officers were there as well, all in a celebratory mood. They seemed to have no clue about the surprise that would befall them. Everything appeared to go well for us.

But between 3 and 4 o’clock in the afternoon, Vic called and said that we were compromised. The decision was for our group to come over to Camp Aguinaldo where we would declare our withdrawal of support from Marcos and hold out. Boy Turingan and I rushed to Camp Aguinaldo.

From then on, Enrile and Ramos called the shots. They made the decisions and played crucial roles: Ramos for military deployment, and Enrile for the political moves.

Basketball import expelled for making rude remarks at Pacquiao


Daniel Orton and Manny Pacquiao

Daniel Orton and Manny Pacquiao

This is one pathetic episode in the history of Philippine sports where a basketball player, an import at that, was sacked, fined and sent home packing just because he told the truth.

Daniel Orton may be a washed-up player in the US, but the fact that he was once an NBA player and was ‘imported’ by Purefoods Hotshots to play for the team in the PBA, only means that he knows what basketball is all about and what it takes to win games.

So, why was Orton’s life with Purefoods short-lived?

For telling the truth, that’s why!

The truth came from the remarks Orton made after the game between Purefoods and Manny Pacquiao’s team, the KIA Carnival, where he said: “Professional boxer, yeah, okay. Congressman, all right. Professional basketball player, no. It’s a joke. Seriously, it’s a joke.”

So what is wrong with that?

If Orton made a rude remark, it was not directed against the Manny, the man, but against Manny, the basketball player, who lacks the talent and the ability to make him a formidable individual in the court just as he is in the ring.

Let us admit it, you guys – you top honchos of the basketball teams and the PBA- except for boxing, the rest of Pacquiao’s endeavor – be it in politics as a congressman, in religion as a preacher and healer, in the entertainment world as actor and singer – all are considered a joke.

I am extremely happy when Pacquaio wins every time he fights and feels awfully bad when he losses, but does that mean that because he is a boxing great that people could no longer belittle him when he is mediocre in other things?

And how moronic can the Purefoods team administrator, Rene Pardo, be to compare Manny Pacquiao with world-renowned leader in the African-American Civil Right Movement, Martin Luther King?

In fact the comparison is another joke, and a ludicrous, if not ridiculous one at that.

Rene Pardo is a big joke himself for unfairly and exceedingly penalizing a foreign player who was just calling a spade a spade, in relation to a local player showing mediocrity in the game of basketball.

Refranes sobre ayer, hoy, mañana (Quotes about yesterday, today, tomorrow)

Permítanme compartir con ustedes algunas verdades que nos deben guiar en la vida. (Allow me to share with you some truths that should guide us in life.)


Many times in life, people forget what they need to remember, and remember what they should forget.


“For all kinds of evils / wrongs , there are two types of remedies: time and silence.”


Do not be afraid of the slow changes, only be afraid of remaining immobile / motionless.


Live without pretending, love without being dependent, listen without defending, speak without offending.


I don’t have everything I want, but I want everything I have. DO NOT ALLOW non-conformance to penetrate your soul filling it with dissatisfaction….. value what you have.


The authenticity of persons is not in their words… but in their actions.


Be selective in your battles, sometimes peace is better than being right.


Do not constantly think of the past because you can’t change it. Do not let the future overwhelm you, you don’t know if it will come. Enjoy and live the present, do not let it escape, because once it goes, it will never come back.

PNoy’s uncouth manners exposing him to more criticisms

President Aquino with some families of the Fallen 44.

President Aquino with some families of the Fallen 44.

What ever dilemma President Benigno Aquino (PNoy) is facing today he has only himself to blame. He is probably most concern about how history will judge his presidency when his term comes to end in 2016. Well, he can be assured that it will not be pleasing to his ears.

PNoy may have met the expectations of the international community for implementing economic reforms and seemingly stumping corruption with his straight path advocacy (tuwid na daan), which he has used as the centerpiece of his administration’s trust in governance, thus earning his administration favorable credit ratings, but where his presidency, his leadership on the national level is concern, sadly, so much has still to be desired by the Filipino people, and there is really not much time left.

Between now and 2016 many things can still happen that could contribute further in making his legacy a dismal one, and all because of his uncouth manners in dealing with people that matters most, especially in times of distress brought about by natural or man-made calamities.

The same impertinent attitude happens even in the course of PNoy’s presidential duties where he is invited to grace certain events and functions.

Who would forget about a report that came out during PNoy’s visit to Tacloban after Yolanda’s destruction of the place, where he had a brush with a businessman who first asked that the government already declare martial law or a state of emergency.

The businessman’s urging came about because his friend told the president that people “were being slaughtered downtown because of the looting.”

After which Aquino asked, “Slaughtered? Slaughtered by…?”

The businessman said “Someone shot at me downtown.”

The president retorted, “You’re alive, so you’re not slaughtered.”

What inconsiderate and tactless remarks at a time when he should have shown understanding and sympathy, even making up perhaps for government’s long delayed response for assistance. He said it with a smirk in his face, which normally shows when he stresses a point.

How about the mishandled/mismanaged 2010 Luneta bus hostage crisis that resulted in the death of a number of Hong Kong tourists? It is said that PNoy opted to have former Undersecretary of Interior Rico Puno managed the crisis, while keeping the late Interior Secretary Jesse Robredo of the loop.

Sounds familiar the way PNoy also kept Interior Secretary Mar Roxas in the dark in the Mamasapano massacre that cost the lives of 44 police commandos. This was even worse because he also allowed OIC PNP Deputy Director Leonardo Espina to be uninformed about the impending Oplan Exodus.

All these happened because he blindly trusted the ‘competence’ of his former bodyguard, friend and protégé, former PNP Director Alan Purisima, who recommended the ‘silent treatment’ approach on the officials at the time when he was on a suspended status for corrupt practices.

Having the essential people in the chain-of-command disregarded with impunity in a critical undertaking such as Oplan Exodus is simply inexplicable for a president and a commander-in-chief to do, which could only be attributed to PNoy’s uncouth behavior.

It is bad enough that PNoy got himself sucked into this crisis involving the Fallen 44, but what is despicable is his absence when the caskets bearing the remains of the police commandos arrived in Manila.

PNoy seems to be making it up by giving monetary and other form of assistance to the families of the victims and in the process, trying to console them, too.

The problem with PNoy, however, is that he thinks and believes that telling the victims how he and his family felt when his father, Ninoy, was brutally gunned down while deplaning, is an expression compassionate, merciful and sympathetic enough to assuage their own pains for the loss of their love ones.

Uncouthly telling the grieving families “patas na tayo” (roughly translated as “we are now in equal footing”) is far from being comforting words or not the words they all want to hear from a president.

The way Ninoy died was destiny for him. He was among killers and there was no way for him to be saved.

It’s a different story, however, with the Fallen 44. They succeeded in accomplishing their mission and most, if not all, had the fair chance of coming back alive ….. if only proper communication and coordination was made for a timely reinforcement and help to safely extricate them arrived.

Alas, there never was, as the cornfield became a killing field.

Now, what the grieving families are asking for is an explanation on why help did not arrive on time, and there is no better person to give it than PNoy.

Unfortunately, PNoy, with a smirk on his face, refuses to understand this.